{"id":1495,"date":"2018-09-21T16:20:00","date_gmt":"2018-09-21T21:20:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/uwm.edu\/yiddish-stage\/?p=1495"},"modified":"2023-05-16T10:58:11","modified_gmt":"2023-05-16T15:58:11","slug":"found-in-translation-hatuey-cuba-and-the-jews","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/uwm.edu\/yiddish-stage\/found-in-translation-hatuey-cuba-and-the-jews\/","title":{"rendered":"Found in Translation: Hatuey, Cuba, and the Jews"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

IN 1928, OYFGANG<\/em>, the first regular Yiddish periodical in Havana, published the following short poem, \u201cOyfn inzele\u201d (\u201cOn the Island\u201d) by M. Gutshteyn, meant to be sung to the tune of \u201c Oyfn pripetshik<\/a>\u201d:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Oyfn inzele, vos heyst kuba
Di zun brent do heys
Geyen pedlerlakh mit di kestelakh
Oysgeveykt in shveys
Fargest in yurop mit amerike
Az ir zent in kuba do
Muzt ir onfangen, nebekh, onfangen
Fun komets alef \u2013 \u201co\u201d
Ven ir vet kinderlakh, azoy zikh oppedlen
A tsvey, dray, fir yor
Vet ir im yirtsey hashem, zayn balebatimlakh
Aleyn fun a stor
To pedler, kinderlakh, mit groys kheyshek
Itst iz ayer tsayt
Ver fun aykh es pedlt beser
Der vet zayn \u201cOl-rayt\u201d<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

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On this island called Cuba
The sun burns so hot
Peddlers go with their bundles
Soaked in sweat
Forget Europe with America
You\u2019re in Cuba now
You must begin from the beginning, poor things,
Komets-Alef: \u201cO\u201d
When you are children, so you peddle
Two, three, four years
Then, with God\u2019s help, you\u2019ll be balebatim
With your own store
So peddle, children, with passion
Now is your time
He who peddles best
Will be \u201call right.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Alongside this tongue-in-cheek piece, the Yiddish newspaper also urged its readers to \u201cbecome Cubanized\u201d and to \u201clove their adopted land.\u201d This tension was illustrative of Eastern European Jewish immigrants\u2019 heavily ironic and often ambivalent attitude toward Cuba, their new (and often temporary) home.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cuba\u2019s history as a place of refuge for Eastern European Yiddish-speaking migrants between the World Wars is part of a broader and more complex history of migration to and within the Americas that complicates the US\u2019s exceptionalist myths about immigration and national identity. Americans rarely think of Cuba as another \u201cnation of immigrants,\u201d but that is precisely what has animated Cuban literature and culture from its beginnings. It led Fernando Ortiz<\/a>, a Cuban intellectual and sociologist, to coin the term \u201ctransculturation\u201d in 1940 to describe the unique and ongoing interchange and transformation of immigrant cultures that he argued characterized Cuban life.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historian Robert Levine<\/a> likewise describes the multiracial, multiethnic atmosphere of post-World War I Cuba as unique, as both Sephardic and Eastern European Jewish immigrants competed with immigrants from Spain, Haiti, Jamaica\u2014and even China\u2014for jobs in a strained economy. The Yiddish-speaking population was especially mobile, with many only staying for a year or so until departing for other destinations, primarily the United States, and sometimes Mexico. Margalit Bejarano<\/a> observes that \u201cCuba did not extend a warm welcome to its transit passengers.\u201d She describes the culture shock for Yiddish speaking immigrants (\u201cthe language was strange, the heat was unbearable\u201d), and their poverty. Many did not have the thirty dollars required by the Cuban government to enter the country, and so were detained in the Tiscornia Camp<\/a> (Cuba\u2019s Ellis Island). Many could not find jobs during the economic crises of the 1920s, and, unable to afford even the cheapest rents, slept in the parks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nevertheless, even as Yiddish-speaking immigrants awaited coveted visas, they established a Yidishe kulturgrupe<\/em> in the 1920s, holding debates, lectures, literary salons, Yiddish theatre performances, and eventually a school. In 1927, the organization, now renamed the Centro Israelita<\/a>, began to publish Oyfgang<\/em>, which was joined in 1932 by Havaner lebn<\/em> (later also called La Vida Habanera<\/em>), which was co-edited by Oskar Pinis (also known as Asher Penn) and Eliezer Aronowsky<\/a>. The two editors formed the nucleus of a group of writers who dubbed themselves Yung Kuba<\/em>, a title reminiscent of the avant-garde Yiddish poetic movements of New York (Di yunge) and Poland-Lithuania (Yung Vilne<\/em>). Asher Tshutshinsky, a member of Yung Kuba<\/em>, later termed their collective voice a \u201cnusekh Kuba\u201d: the product of the \u201cmix of Spanish-European and African cultures,\u201d shaped by the \u201ctropical climate, endless summer and atmosphere of freedom,\u201d in contrast to the cold, poverty, and terror of Eastern Europe. Alan Astro<\/a> describes the literary production of these Cuban-Yiddish writers as a Judeo-Afro-Cuban syncretism, exemplified by the stories of Avrom Yosef Dubelman<\/a> and Pinkhas Berniker, which often described encounters between Jewish peddlers and merchants and the Afro-Cubans of the interior.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Issue of Havaner lebn. <\/em>In the box on the lower left hand side is an ad for the Spanish translation of Pinis\u2019s Hatuey<\/em>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Despite their identifications with Cuba, many of these Yiddish writers did not remain long, including Oskar Pinis. He arrived in Cuba in 1924, published his book-length epic poem Hatuey<\/em><\/a> (1931) and a book of stories titled Der goldener fontan<\/em> (The Golden Fountain<\/em>, 1934) in Havana, and then immigrated to the US in 1935, taking the name Ascher Penn. And yet, Pinis left an indelible mark upon Cuban culture with Hatuey<\/a><\/em>, which was quickly translated into Spanish and widely circulated. Pinis\u2019s translator, Andres de Piedra-Bueno<\/a>, a Cuban-born, non-Jewish poet and scholar, translated both Pinis\u2019s Hatuey<\/em> and Aronowsky\u2019s Maceo<\/em>, two important epic poems published in the 1930s which featured extremely popular indigenous and Afro-Cuban revolutionary subjects. Aronowsky, in turn, translated a number of Piedra-Bueno\u2019s poems from Spanish into Yiddish, which Piedra-Bueno proudly included in his Obras Completas<\/em> in 1939, insisting upon the \u201cCubanness\u201d of Pinis, Aronowsky, and their fellow Yiddish writers.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Title page for Pinis\u2019s 1935 Spanish-language edition of\u00a0Hatuey.<\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

Were these new Yiddish-speaking arrivals immigrants or refugees? Were they ready to make Cuba their home or did they consider it a temporary stopping place on their way to the United States? Were they instruments in the efforts of the ruling elite to \u201cwhiten\u201d Cuba after the First World War, or were they identified with other undesirable foreigners like those from Haiti and Jamaica, in the increasingly xenophobic and racist atmosphere of the 1930s? All of these characterizations emerge in discussions of this period and this community. In writing a Yiddish version of Hatuey<\/em> in the early 1930s that developed a discourse of Jewish indigenismo<\/em>, Pinis translated and revived important nationalist revolutionary tropes as a way of speaking to Cuba\u2019s political and racial struggles in his present. Thus he participated in Cuba\u2019s continuing effort, three decades after independence, to define the racial and cultural terms of its national character.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

El Indio Hatuey first emerged in the writing of sixteenth-century priest and reformer Bartolom\u00e9 de las Casas<\/a>. Other early accounts of Hatuey\u2019s rebellion and martyrdom followed, with similar outlines. In the early 1500s, Hatuey, a Ta\u00edno leader from Hispa\u00f1ola (today\u2019s Dominican Republic and Haiti), set sail to Cuba with 400 followers ahead of Diego Vel\u00e1squez, to warn them of impending Spanish invasion. Most Hatuey narratives feature his famous speech to the Indians of Cuba denouncing the Spaniards\u2019 rapacious and violent desire for gold. In many versions Hatuey is unsuccessful in persuading others to join him; he then wages a guerrilla war against the Spanish with a very few followers. Captured and sentenced to burning at the stake (in many versions, betrayed by one of his own), Hatuey makes his second famous speech. Offered the choice of baptism by a priest so that he can go to heaven, Hatuey asks if there are other Christian Spaniards in heaven. Assured there are, he announces that he would rather go to hell.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It was Jos\u00e9 Mart\u00ed, the Cuban nationalist and revolutionary in the later-nineteenth century, who identified the struggle against Spain for independence with Hatuey\u2019s rebellion. All Cuban nationalists, in Marti\u2019s formulation, were therefore Indians. Francisco Sell\u00e9n, a Cuban intellectual and revolutionary exiled to the United States in the late-nineteenth century for his anti-Spanish activities, wrote his poetic drama,\u00a0Hatuey<\/em>\u00a0in 1891, intending his play to be the \u201cfirst national drama of Cuba.\u201d Bonifacio Byrne, another exiled revolutionary and Cuban poet, wrote poems about Hatuey, Mac\u00e9o, C\u00e9spedes, and Mart\u00ed, all heroes of the revolution. In the Cuban fight for independence there was even an Indian regiment that was named the Hatuey Regiment.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Oskar Pinis.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

But in the 1920\u2019s and 1930\u2019s, Hatuey\u2019s meanings shifted. That period in Cuba saw the development of Afro-Cubanismo<\/a><\/em>, a powerful arts movement that sought to affirm the African foundations of Cuban culture. The most aggressively avant-garde publication of the Minoristas (a group of artists and intellectuals who promoted the new Afro-Cuban cultural nationalism), first published in 1927, was called Atuei<\/em>. Invoking Hatuey could thus gesture towards revolutionary, nationalist, and Afro-Cuban modernist mythologies, thus illustrating both his ubiquity and his malleability as a signifier.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1927 and 1928, a writer named Yaakov Shponka serialized biographies of Hatuey, Maceo, and Mart\u00ed in Oyfgang<\/em>, articles explicitly framed to educate new arrivals about Cuban history. Shponka called Hatuey \u201cthe first Cuban freedom-fighter,\u201d as well as the first Cuban victim of the Inquisition, a fate that would have resonated with Yiddish readers and fellow writers, who often addressed crypto-Jewish themes in their fictions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pinis\u2019s Hatuey follows the general contours of popular Hatuey legend, but is reframed within the poet\u2019s own narrative of migration and adoption:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Hatuey un di zun\u2014iz ot do a farglaykh. Beyde ineynem balaykhtn zey dem mentshlikhn veg in kuba. Un shteyendik af ot dem kubaner zunikn veg, af der erd, vos hot azoy breyt mikh ufgenumen un vos iz in mayn yugnt mayn tsveytn heym gevorn, trog ikh tsu mayn baytrog-dos gezang tsu Hatueyen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hatuey y el sol son la misma cosa en Cuba. Los dos alumbran el camino humano. Y yo, en este sendero solar, en la tierra que. Me ha abierto su coraz\u00f3n y que ya es mi segunda patria, ofrezco este homenaje: el poema de Hatuey.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

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Hatuey and the sun: they are the same here. Both illuminate the human way in Cuba. Standing here on this bright Cuban path, in this land that has opened its heart to me and became in my youth my second home, I bring my gift\u2014this song of Hatuey.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Pinis\u2019s Hatuey has a vision of the freedom fighters who will succeed him\u2014 this is a national hero self-conscious of his legacy: \u201cEr veyst, az es veln nokh fray zayn di erdn\/ vayl nit er iz der letster vos vil es zayn fray\u201d (\u201cHe knows that the earth will be free, that he is not the last to desire freedom\u201d). In the Spanish translation, Hatuey\u2019s martyrdom is even more explicit: Hatuey \u201csabe que el sacrificio de su vida no sera\/ el \u00faltimo que se ofrezca\/por amar la libertad!\u201d (Hatuey \u201cknows that the sacrifice of his life will not be the last offered for the love of liberty!\u201d). Pinis\u2019s Hatuey concludes with a glossary of Native terms\u2014like areito<\/em>, cacique<\/em>, and yucca<\/em>, used in the Yiddish text. Foreign terms to Yiddish are not glossed in the Spanish translation\u2014thus reifying the \u201ctranslation sensibility\u201d that animates the poem, marking its distance from its subject even as its author claims identification and intimacy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

De Piedra-Bueno\u2019s 1935 Spanish translation explicitly argues for the sympathies between Pinis, Cuba, and Hatuey. Piedra-Bueno\u2019s translation included a biographical note reprinted from a 1933 survey of Cuban literature that included an entry on Pinis:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Su primer libro fu\u00e9 una exquisita e interesante aportaci\u00f3n a la poes\u00eda \u00e9pica cubana, a trav\u00e9s de un ardiente temperamento hebreo, que sinti\u00f3 vibrar en su alma el esp\u00edritu rebelde del glorioso indio Hatuey y se extremeci\u00f3 ante la crueldad hispana de la horrible hoguera. Desde los primeros sorbos de historia cubana, Pinis empez\u00f3 por cantar al Hatuey enemigo de los opresores, del oro, Dios de los blancos.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

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[Pinis\u2019s Hatuey] was an exquisite and fascinating contribution to Cuban epic poetry, by way of an ardent Hebrew temperament, that felt vibrating in its soul the rebellious spirit of the glorious Indian Hatuey, and shuddered before the cruel, terrible bonfire of the Spanish. From his first tastes of Cuban history, Pinis began to sing of Hatuey, enemy of the oppressors and of gold, the god of the whites.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Both the Hebrew and Indian \u201cspirits\u201d are passionate, rebellious, anti-imperialist, and anti-capitalist\u2014a subtle but politicized recasting of Pinis\u2019s and his attraction to Hatuey\u2019s rebellion in the era of Machado\u2019s regime. From his manipulated reelection in 1928 through his ouster in 1933, Machado maintained martial law and increasingly targeted Jewish organizations and individuals, primarily labor organizers and Communists. The Jewish Telegraphic Agency reported<\/a> in 1932, for instance, that Eliezer Aronowsky and three other Cuban Jews, including another newspaper editor, had been arrested \u201con charges of expressing opposition to the present government.\u201d<\/a> Piedra-Bueno\u2019s 1935 translation can also be read as a response to the tumult of 1934, which had just seen a popular and progressive uprising against Machado, a short-lived reformist government, and the installation of the first Batista-controlled government: a \u201cdictatorship,\u201d Levine terms it, \u201cin democratic clothing.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contemporary interpreters identify an additional subtext for Pinis\u2019s Hatuey<\/em>, about which both Piedra-Bueno and Pinis himself were silent. As Alan Astro writes, in addition to sympathizing with victims of the Inquisition now that they found themselves living in its former territories, Yiddish speaking immigrants, many involved in leftist causes in their countries of origin, had also fled pogroms<\/a> and state-fomented violence. Where Cuban readers of the 1930s might have easily seen parallels between the violence and persecutions of the Inquisition, the modern struggle for liberation from Spain, and the repressions of Machado\u2019s regime (not to mention the struggle against the Fascists in Spain<\/a>), Yiddish readers in particular might have additionally identified the violent anti-semitism of the Inquisition with that of twentieth-century Eastern Europe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 1927, Pinis authored a three-part narrative in Oyfgang<\/em>, \u201cIn a finsterer tsayt (tsum shvartsn ondeynkung fun Petlyuren)\u201d (In a dark time: the black legacy of Petliura<\/a>), that describes a pogrom in his town that he and a group of Jewish families survive by hiding in a Christian neighbor\u2019s barn. They hide for hours, listening to gunshots and screams outside. When night falls, the neighbor decides he cannot hide them anymore. The tale ends as the desperate families leave the barn for an unknown fate. Pinis was only eighteen or nineteen years old when he published the piece; he had been in Cuba for three years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In\u00a0Hatuey<\/em>\u2019s current iteration as a multilingual opera for a contemporary American and Cuban audience, Pinis\u2019s childhood trauma of witnessing and surviving a pogrom has emerged as an explicit theme, as has the violence of Machado\u2019s regime.\u00a0Frank London<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0Elise Thoron<\/a>\u2019s\u00a0opera is set in a Havana<\/a>\u00a0nightclub in 1931, where young Ukrainian poet and refugee, Oscar falls in love with Tinima, a singer of\u00a0Ta\u00edno<\/a>\u00a0descent, and is drawn into her revolutionary activities against the Machado regime. All the while Oscar is writing his poem,\u00a0Hatuey<\/em>, telling the story of Cuba\u2019s first indigenous freedom fighter, who dies at the stake resisting the Spanish in 1511. The two stories intertwine and inform each other, as characters shift in time and place from Havana club in 1931, to the world of Oscar\u2019s poem in Maisi, 1511, where his hero Hatuey encounters Velasquez and the Spanish.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Opening passage and dedication of Hatuey<\/em>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

In a striking example of what we might term Judeo-Afro-Cuban indigenismo<\/em>, the opera, like the work of the Cuban-Yiddish writers who serve as its inspiration, imbricates languages, identities, and histories\u2014Spanish conquest, the Inquisition, slavery, Ukrainian pogroms, Machado\u2019s dictatorship\u2014through the interpolation of a new frame that features an intercultural, interracial romance. London\u2019s score likewise fuses Afro-Cuban, avant-garde jazz and klezmer genres. Indeed, the opera Hatuey: Memory of Fire<\/a> <\/em>has been, and continues to be, in an ongoing and dynamic state of translation. Multiple translators, many proficient in both Yiddish and Spanish, have worked on the libretto as it has moved between and among English, Yiddish, Spanish, and Ta\u00edno, reflected in London\u2019s \u201coperatic jazzy-klezmery-cubano fusion.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The curiosity of a Cuban-Yiddish poem making its way back to Havana as an opera has inspired a great deal of coverage in the American, American-Jewish, and Cuban press, the former usually foregrounding Pinis as a Ukrainian Jewish refugee who fled to Cuba and adopted the literary themes of his new country, and the latter seeing the opera as an important symbol of contemporary Cuban-US artistic collaboration in the age of Obama. The meanings of Hatuey<\/em> have thus undergone further transformations through these acts of cultural translation and exchange: from revolution to nationhood to commercial appropriation (these days, most know Hatuey<\/em> as the name of a beer\u2014a fact that plays an important narrative role in the opera Hatuey<\/em>); from avant-gardist Afro-Cuban modernism to linguistic extinction and revival, from the possibility of a new homeland and new future to a reminder of a traumatic and violent past, from a harbinger of renewed diplomatic relations between two estranged nations, to what is now an act of resistance and defiance against a new American administration that seems to be turning its back to the rest of the world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The journey of\u00a0Hatuey<\/em>\u00a0in particular, from Spanish to Yiddish to Spanish; from Spanish to English; and now again from Spanish into Yiddish, Spanish, English, and Ta\u00edno, embodies the multidirectional relationships Yiddish in the Americas could and did develop with other languages. Yiddish immigrant audiences in the Americas engaged with national myths\u2014including and perhaps especially those that produced racialized understandings of people and nationhood\u2014in and through translation. The continuing afterlife of Penn\u2019s\u00a0Hatuey<\/em>\u00a0demonstrates to us how Yiddish literary texts circulated and continue to circulate amongst non-Yiddish readers in the Americas through translation and thus continue to engage with, challenge, and transform national narratives.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

All translations are my own unless otherwise indicated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rear more about\u00a0Hatuey\u00a0<\/em>here<\/a>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Some background on the Yiddish epic poem, Hatuey.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":32,"featured_media":1508,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":"","uwm_wg_additional_authors":[]},"categories":[48,12,36,26],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1495","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-1945-1999","category-directors","category-politics","category-south-america"],"yoast_head":"\nFound in Translation: Hatuey, Cuba, and the Jews - Digital Yiddish Theatre Project<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/uwm.edu\/yiddish-stage\/found-in-translation-hatuey-cuba-and-the-jews\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Found in Translation: Hatuey, Cuba, and the Jews\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Some background on the Yiddish epic poem, Hatuey.\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/uwm.edu\/yiddish-stage\/found-in-translation-hatuey-cuba-and-the-jews\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Digital Yiddish Theatre Project\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2018-09-21T21:20:00+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2023-05-16T15:58:11+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/uwm.edu\/yiddish-stage\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/562\/2023\/05\/Hatuey.webp\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"600\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"719\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/webp\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Jeremy A Streich\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Jeremy A Streich\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"15 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/uwm.edu\\\/yiddish-stage\\\/found-in-translation-hatuey-cuba-and-the-jews\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/uwm.edu\\\/yiddish-stage\\\/found-in-translation-hatuey-cuba-and-the-jews\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Jeremy A Streich\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/uwm.edu\\\/yiddish-stage\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/acb308ee9146d2d003cc0dfb2a5f08f9\"},\"headline\":\"Found in Translation: Hatuey, Cuba, and the Jews\",\"datePublished\":\"2018-09-21T21:20:00+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2023-05-16T15:58:11+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/uwm.edu\\\/yiddish-stage\\\/found-in-translation-hatuey-cuba-and-the-jews\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":2951,\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/uwm.edu\\\/yiddish-stage\\\/found-in-translation-hatuey-cuba-and-the-jews\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/uwm.edu\\\/yiddish-stage\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/sites\\\/562\\\/2023\\\/05\\\/Hatuey.webp\",\"articleSection\":[\"1945-1999\",\"Directors\",\"Politics\",\"South America\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/uwm.edu\\\/yiddish-stage\\\/found-in-translation-hatuey-cuba-and-the-jews\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/uwm.edu\\\/yiddish-stage\\\/found-in-translation-hatuey-cuba-and-the-jews\\\/\",\"name\":\"Found in Translation: Hatuey, Cuba, and the Jews - 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